Why the Italian Campaign during the Second World War was Justified

Among the many controversial operations launched during the “Second World War” the invasion of Italy is among the most debated. While Winston Churchill touted the Mediterranean as the “soft underbelly of Europe” the Italian campaign ultimately cost the allies more casualties than the Germans for what were arguably few obvious results. However, the much maligned Italian campaign was probably the best the Western allies could have done in 1943 and produced more benefits than has generally been recognized.

It is difficult to articulate what the allies could have done in the summer of 1943 that would have done more to damage the Axis war effort than invading Italy. The supposedly obvious answer would be a cross channel invasion of France that would have taken off pressure from Soviet forces fighting on the Eastern front and shortened the length of the war. While supporters of this view usually cite the fact that Germany had fewer divisions in France in the summer of 1943 than when the allies actually invaded in 1944, they ignore more important considerations.

These considerations include that the allies had only just gained the advantage in the “Battle of the Atlantic,” during the summer of 1943 which was necessary to keep Britain in the war, and build up sufficient U.S. forces in Europe, let alone launch such an ambitious invasion. In fact, the turning point for the allies in the Atlantic came only in May following a disastrous period where the Germans had been sinking ships at a faster rate than at any other time in the war. May was also the month the considerable German and Italian forces in North Africa were forced to surrender and it would arguably have been difficult, if not impossible, to transport significant forces from the Mediterranean to Britain and launch an invasion of France in the summer of 1943 as the allies were just starting to recover from the shipping losses of the previous five months.

Additionally, the allies had yet to gain air supremacy over France, in order to dominate the air space over the invasion area and interdict enemy forces trying to reinforce the German army in Normandy. While the allies certainly had air superiority (as in they had more warplanes than the Germans) they did not have aerial supremacy which meant they could fly anywhere, or bomb anything, at will. For example, while the Germans always had aerial superiority over the R.A.F. during the “Battle of Britain,” they never wore down the R.A.F. to achieve air supremacy to allow them to mount an invasion of Britain. While it is plausible the allies may have had enough planes to cover an invasion of France in 1943 it would have been in the face of a still relatively strong Luftwaffe. This means that the allies would have been forced to spend much more effort defending the landings, and escorting their bombers, and less emphasis on ground support and interdiction, both of which were crucial in the “Battle of Normandy.” Thanks to the allied aerial supremacy in 1944 they could accomplish all these tasks rather simply, but it would have been extremely difficult in 1943.

It should be kept in mind that the U.S. bombing offensive against Germany was ultimately unsuccessful in 1943 and therefore would not have been very effective during the summer at destroying German communications such as railroads, marshaling yards, tunnels and bridges that did much to isolate the German army in Normandy from sufficient reinforcements the following year. Only the introduction of fuel tanks and better aircraft gave the U.S. air force the edge over the Luftwaffe to wear it down in the spring of 1944.

Add this to the facts that the allies did not have overwhelming forces in England to land in Normandy, the shortage of landing craft in the European theatre (which was barely addressed in time in 1944), and that the allies did not even have an agreed upon invasion plan until late 1943, it is hard to see how a cross channel invasion in 1943 would have succeeded. There is also the point that the allies had not sufficiently mastered amphibious warfare by the summer of 1943 as seen by the near disasters at Anzio and Tarawa that occurred after that period. Pundits who cite the fact that the Allies landed more troops the first day on Sicily than Normandy conveniently ignore that there were no serious fortifications on the southern Sicilian coast and that the landings were virtually unopposed. Even when all these conditions had been rectified in the summer of 1944 the invasion of Normandy could arguably have failed, or at least been much more bloody, had the Germans not have been so thoroughly deceived by the massive disinformation campaign launched by the allies that convinced them to concentrate most of their forces in France around Calais instead of Normandy.

Once a cross channel invasion in 1943 is ruled out there was not much for the Western allies to choose from. An invasion of Norway would have been both logistically difficult and offered few strategic rewards. An invasion of Greece would have arguably been the same unless it could have enticed Turkey to enter the war much earlier, though there is little reason to expect it would have (and even then Turkish belligerence would hardly have proven to be decisive in any case). Finally, an invasion of Corsica, Sardinia, and/or Southern France would have likely been unpractical due to the considerations listed above, as well as the lack of sufficient port facilities in the Western Mediterranean to support such endeavors.

Therefore, in the summer of 1943 all the allies could do towards causing significant damage to the Axis war effort was to mount an invasion of Sicily and Italy. While such operations had little prospect of defeating the German army decisively in 1943, or to seriously appease the Russians, who were fighting the overwhelming bulk of the German forces, it offered the allies significant strategic advantages.

Firstly, it offered the chance of knocking Italy out of the war. While “World War 2” literature is generally uncharitable regarding the performance of the Italian armed forces, the fact remains that Italy was Germany’s most important ally in Europe and had significant amounts of troops and naval assets to oppose the allies. Perhaps most threatening to the allies was her sizable navy and geographic position that cut Britain’s tradition trade route to the Far East via the Mediterranean. The British estimated that securing the Mediterranean would drastically shorten their sea lines of communication and save the allies a million tons of shipping a year (not a bad consideration as the allies were on the brink of losing the “Battle of the Atlantic” during early 1943).

There were a considerable amount of Italian divisions that either fought against the Western allies and Russians, or served as garrisons in Yugoslavia, Albania, Greece and France. While admittedly they did not always fight well, they at least freed up many German divisions to fight elsewhere. Knocking Italy out of the war had the potential to force the Germans to send a significant amount of divisions there, usually from the Russian front, as well as to replace the Italian forces garrisoned across Europe. The number of troops the Germans had to disarm and replace was not insignificant, it involved nearly 250,000 in the Aegean and Greece, 150,000 in Yugoslavia, and 600,000 in Italy. A week after the Germans had initiated operation “Achse” to forcibly disarm the Italians after Italy’s surrender to the allies, the German high command estimated it had completely disarmed 56 Italian divisions, and partially disarmed another 29. To suggest that eliminating nearly 1,000,000 soldiers from the enemy’s order of battle in wartime (even if they were of questionable quality) would not produce positive strategic results would be absurd.

Besides these advantages there were other benefits that were produced by the Italian campaign. While the Russians were not pleased that the Western allies decided to attack a subsidiary objective instead of invading France, it was the best they could do and arguably did enough to steer Stalin away from being serious about exploring a separate peace with Hitler in 1943. Many scholars, pundits and academics often forget that Russia did most of the fighting in Europe during World War 2 and that they, not the Western allies, broke the back of the German army. They seem to forget that while the British and Americans were invading tiny Sicily in 1943 that the German army was far from defeated and was launching the greatest battle in “World War 2” around the Kursk salient on the Eastern front. It was only after this intensely contested battle (in which the Russians lost far more men and tanks than the Germans) had been won by the Soviets that the initiative really passed to the allies. Thus, while the battle in Italy may not have impressed the Russians, it at least convinced them that the Western allies were doing something significant to fight the Germans.

Also, the numerous amphibious assaults launched during the Italian campaign (Sicily, Salerno and Anzio) gave the allies considerable experience in amphibious warfare. Keeping in mind the poor showing at Dieppe in 1942, the slaughter the Americans experienced at Tarawa in late 1943, and even the near disaster at Omaha beach on D-Day, the allies seemed to have needed all the experience in combined operations they could get. It is simply too optimistic to believe that the allies could have successfully landed in France in 1943 considering their less than impressive record regarding amphibious assaults, let alone all the factors mentioned above. Additionally, much like the Desert campaign, it gave the allies valuable experience in fighting the German army before the main contest, in Normandy, the following year. While this seems like a rationalization, it should be noted that besides the fighting in Algeria and Tunisia following the Torch operation, the Americans had no other combat experience fighting the German army, and the potential consequences of a complete reversal in Italy were a lot less grievous than if the allies had failed invading France.

However, despite the advantages the invasion of Italy gave the allies there is arguably much to criticize regarding the Italian campaign. While it made sense to invade Italy from a political and strategic point of view, the allies could not have asked for a worse battlefield from a tactical point of view. With its narrow length, mountain terrain, and lack of open areas, Italy was arguably a defender’s paradise. Despite the overwhelming numerical, material, and firepower advantages of the allies, the Italian campaign was epitomized by attrition and produced few moments of spectacular military excellence.

Put bluntly, the Italian campaign was useful in appeasing the Russians, diverting German forces from vital fronts, giving the allies valuable experience, but not as a means of severely degrading German military power. This was all that was ever realistically expected of it. Despite Churchill and other British strategists’ wishes to fight a major war in the Mediterranean, there was never any chance of it happening considering the Americans, who were always unequivocally committed to invading France, were destined to have the final say in strategy due to their unquestionable material supremacy vis a vis the British.

However, if there were sound strategic and political reasons to invade Italy, the execution of the campaign itself was controversial to put it mildly. It is one thing to suggest the topography of Italy is generally not suitable for maneuver warfare (which is true), but quite another to imply that it was the route of all the setbacks during the Italian campaign. Napoleon’s decisive campaigns in Italy, the German victory of Caporetto during “World War 1” and Germany’s swift conquest of Yugoslavia and Greece in 1941 show that well trained, well equipped and sufficiently motivated forces can accomplish significant offensive gains in mountain terrain. This is not to suggest that the allies could have decisively defeated the German army in Italy in “World War 2” but that they arguably could have conducted the Italian campaign with more skill.

Even though the allies ultimately triumphed in Italy, the campaign itself, much like the North African venture, showed that the allies had much to learn when fighting the German army. The snail’s pace in the Sicily operation, the near disaster at Salerno, the “beached whale” as Churchill put it, at Anzio, and the brutal slogging matches at Monte Casino, were catalogued by what were arguably poor operational and tactical decisions by the Western allies. And perhaps the one chance of inflicting a serious defeat on the German army in Italy was wasted when General Mark Clark decided to take Rome for the sake of glory instead of surrounding a good part of the German 10th Army.

While allowances such as Italy’s horrible topography, the undoubted tactical superiority of German forces over the allies, and least of all hindsight, do much to explain the relatively unexceptional military results shown by the allies advancing up the Italian peninsula, there is little doubt that the execution of the Italian campaign did not mirror the considerable strategic and political advantages it ultimately conferred towards the allied war effort. Yet, much like the overly criticized British army during the “First World War,” the allies in Italy ultimately won the military contest and deserve respect rather than condemnation.

Indeed, the Axis leadership was hardly blameless regarding their performance regarding its operations in the Mediterranean theatre of operations. The failure to take Malta and secure Rommel’s lines of communication in Libya, the decision to reinforce a doomed battle in Tunisia, and the practice of contesting every inch of Italian soil instead of initiating sensible withdrawals when necessary, provide sufficient evidence that on the strategic level at least the Germans did not live up to their Clausewitzian reputation. In fact, whereas the allies were arguably correct in their strategic appraisal of the Mediterranean theatre of war, but not as proficient regarding their tactical means to accomplish their objectives, the Germans fought the Italian campaign with considerable tactical skill at the expense of critical strategic considerations.

Simply put, the Germans could have defended Italy with far less resources (which were needed more critically in Russia or Western Europe), had they decided to enact a strategy of gradual withdrawal up the boot of Italy, instead of fighting linear defensive battles across southern and middle Italy. While such battles caused severe allied casualties, they also tied down significant amounts of German forces that could have been used elsewhere. Likewise, such stationary defense allowed the allies to deploy their unmatchable superiority in numbers and firepower, that no matter how long or how costly, would eventually triumph over the Germans. In other words the Germans could easily have sacrificed space for time in Italy and reinforced more important fronts instead of subjecting their forces to brutal attritional slogs that they had no chance of winning. Given the Russian and Western allies’ vastly superior resources and manpower, the Italian campaign definitely provided a bigger inconvenience to the Germans than it did to their enemies.

The invasion of Italy was the best option available to the Western allies in 1943 and did much to further the allied war effort. The allies did not have the resources, or the experience, to invade France and inflict a decisive defeat upon the German armed forces in 1943. The campaign knocked Italy out of the war, forced the Germans to send many divisions needed more critically elsewhere to the Italian peninsula, and to replace Italian garrisons across Europe. Doing so took significant pressure off the Russians on the Eastern front, increased the Western allies proficiency at mounting amphibious assaults and gave them (especially the Americans) vital experience fighting the German army. While the Italian campaign lacked the glamour of the Normandy invasion or the mind boggling scale of the titanic struggle on the Eastern front, it was a necessary, if inglorious, undertaking.

Bibliography

Beevor, Antony. The Second World War. New York: Little, Brown and Company, 2012.

Bishop, Chris. German Campaigns of World War 2. London: Grange Books, 2001.

Churchill, Winston. The Second World War: Closing the Ring. New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1951.

Lewis, Jon. The Mammoth Book of Battles. London: Robinson Publishing, 2000.

Macksey, Kenneth. From Triumph to Disaster. London: Greenhill Books, 1996.

Warner, Philip. World War Two. London: Cassell, 2002.

Article from the “Comando Supremo, Italy at War”: The Second World War in Italy: was it worth it? The folly and brutality of war, from Sicily to the Po Valley by Michael Howard, June 25, 2008. http://www.comandosupremo.com/forums/topic/5783-michael-howard-on-italian-campaign-was-it-worth-it/

Wikipedia article on “Operation Achse”: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Achse [August, 2012]

What to do about Iran

The Iranian Nuclear Program is a considerable security concern for the Americans, the Israelis, and even the Arab World. With Iran’s extensive history of sponsoring terrorism as well as vowing to destroy both Israel and the United States, there are many who believe it would be unwise to take the Iranian leadership at their word that they want nuclear power for peaceful means. With invasion being unthinkable, and as diplomacy seems increasingly futile, the option of mounting an air strike against the Iranian Nuclear Program may prove irresistible in the end. Unfortunately such a strike may ultimately prove counter productive. An unorthodox strategy may be necessary to defuse the situation.

The Strike itself:

Although it is a possible that the Americans would participate directly with the Israelis in a strategic bombing campaign, it is more likely that the Israelis would have to act alone. However, even in the latter situation the Americans would likely provide limited assistance such as logistics or intelligence.

Even though it is not certain how many facilities the Israelis would attack, primary targets would include the Nuclear Reactor at Busher, The Natanz Fuel Enrichment Plant, The Heavy Water Facility at Arak, and the Uranium Conversion facility at Isfahan. However, it should be noted that since the Busher reactor has already gone hot, it would be unlikely the Israelis would bomb it given the potential human and environmental costs.1

However, it is possible the Israelis, or perhaps the Americans, have a backup plan to disable Iran’s Nuclear Program via cyber warfare, as many of the theories on the Stuxnet worm have suggested. It is also possible they would use something like the Stuxnet worm to disable Iranian defensive systems and/or infrastructure.  This is not far-fetched, it is rumoured that the Israelis had a kill switch inside the Syrian Air Defence network that shut it down during the Israeli raid on the suspected Syrian Nuclear site in September 2007).2

To strike at these targets the Israelis would probably take the more direct routes to Iran over Iraq and Saudi Arabia, given the range of their air force. While Turkey is a de-facto Israeli ally, going over Turkey would take significantly longer, and Turkey could potentially deny the Israelis entry into its airspace considering its less than amiable reaction when Israeli fuel tanks were found on its territory when the Israelis attacked the suspected nuclear facility in Syria.3

As for the likelihood of success, even the most optimistic assessments project that Iran’s Nuclear Program would be delayed by only a few years. While it may be assumed that Israel would enjoy technological advantages (especially if the Americans were involved) and better-trained personnel than the Iranians, there are still significant risks involved considering the distances, the state of the Iranian defences, and the obvious knowledge of which targets are involved.4

The Consequences

While the best case scenario would envision the Iranian Nuclear Program delayed by several years, the negative consequences would probably outweigh the good.

These could include:

-the potential strengthening of the theocratic regime in Tehran; it is likely that the majority of Iranians would flock to their leadership, as they did to Ayatollah Khomeini after Saddam Hussein invaded Iran in 1980
-an intensification of violence, if not outright war, between the Israelis and Hezbollah (an Iranian proxy), and possibly between Israel and Hamas as well
-the potential increase of terrorism in the Middle East, Israel, America, and other Western targets
-a potential standoff or war between Iran and the United States, possibly over the strait of Hormuz (a major choke point for the world’s oil trade)
-a significant increase in the price of oil
-a sharp rise in Anti-U.S. and Anti-Israeli sentiment
-the intensification of Iran’s quest for nuclear weapons

Other options:

Unless there was sufficient evidence to indicate that the Iranians were close to completing nuclear weapons, and were preparing to use them in a sinister role, it would probably not be beneficial to delay Iran’s nuclear facilities via strategic bombing. It is conceivable given the precedents of cyber warfare in Estonia and Georgia, as well as the potential destructive power of cyber weapons such as Stuxnet, that the Americans and Israelis could attempt to cripple Iran’s nuclear program via electronic means.5

However, if such a cyber attack were launched against Iran, and even if it were not launched by the Israelis or the Americans, they would probably be blamed anyway, and as such they would still reap many of the same negative consequences just the same as if they had attacked Iran from the air. There was a similar occurrence in 1967 when the Egyptians and Jordanians claimed that the Americans and British had aided the Israeli attack against the Egyptian Air force. Although the Arab leadership knew it was a lie, the Arab masses believed it unquestionably.6

Diplomacy and sanctions have also proven to be a historically insufficient means to stop Iran’s quest for nuclear weapons, given the support it receives from nation-states such as Russia and China. If Russia and China could be convinced, via carrots or sticks, or a shrewd combination of both, to stop aiding Iran, then it is possible Iran would be unable to complete its Nuclear Program. However, rogue countries (like North Korea) or elements (someone equivalent to Dr. A. Q. Khan of Pakistan) could still possibly aid Iran, and at this point it may be too late to be effective anyway.7

In any case, effective sanctions would be unlikely, as Iran is no threat to Russia and China, but a significant threat to Israel, and to their chief rival, America. In other words, from a purely cold and pragmatic approach to power politics, it is in Russia and China’s interest to aid Iran.

It is likewise a mistake to believe that America and Iran could simply work out their differences via understanding and diplomacy. Given the ideological divide between the two countries, not to mention their struggle for control of the Middle East, it is unlikely Washington and Tehran could form a lasting and satisfactory arrangement. Much like the U.S. and Russia during the Cold War, America and Iran are capable of moments of detente when it suits them, but ultimately one of the two nations would prevail.8

Unfortunately, and though it hardly sounds reassuring, America and Israel will have to adapt a “wait and see” attitude regarding Iran. The best case scenario would be the toppling of the Iranian theocratic regime by a progressive democratic movement before the completion of the Iranian Nuclear Program. Such a movement should be encouraged by the U.S. though obviously a coup should be instigated by the Iranian people themselves, rather than by the Americans given the memories of the CIA-sponsored coup against the democratically-elected Iranian President during the ’50s. It goes without saying, that a U.S.-led invasion of Iran would be unrealistic and morally indefensible.9

A more pragmatic strategy would include containing a nuclear-armed Iran, promoting democratic reform and development in the Middle East, and sincerely attempting to resolve sore points such as the Palestinian dilemma. Such a strategy would envision winning over the Arab world, isolating Iran, and waiting until the Iranian people finally tire of their theocratic regime, similar to the U.S. strategy used to deal with the Soviet Union.

Containing Iran would involve propping up countries that oppose Iran’s fundamentalist ideology (such as Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Iraq, and the Gulf States), including security guarantees and training and supplying their armies. It would also include sending clear warnings to Iran that the United States would not tolerate the sharing of its nuclear resources, the intensification of proxy wars against Israel, or invasions of other countries. Needless to say, such warnings would have to be backed by force. While it would be a risky strategy, it would be less dangerous than appeasing Iran.10

The promotion of democratic reform and development could be done in more subtle or gradual ways, but more importantly in a way that would ultimately benefit the ruling elites of the countries, rather than threatening them.

Rather than unrealistically asking the rulers of the Middle East to hand over power to the people, it would be more prudent to show them the benefits of giving their people more control over their lives, as well as a free hand in commerce and trade. As history has shown again and again, a relatively free and prosperous people is less threatening to a government than an oppressed, and desperate one.

Even limited reform, such as allowing local elections, and giving women more rights, would go a long way to appease the Arab masses.  Perhaps even more effective would be to clamp down on corruption, relax restrictions on the media, and separate political interference from the rule of law.  This, along with giving people more economic opportunities, would decrease resentment, and hopefully allow for more democratic reforms in the long term.

These are not wild dreams; there are precedents.  Limited elections are held in Kuwait and are usually seen as been relatively fair, and Saudi Arabia, arguably a more oppressive country than Iran, is increasingly offering more opportunities for women.  In Afghanistan, most of the population are willing to trust Taliban courts because even though they can be harsh, they are seen as fairer, and less corrupt, than government ones.  The Taliban also have more support among the opium farmers because of the coalition’s unrealistic demand that they stop selling their crops. 11

Some critics could point out that liberalization and democracy, no matter how limited, risks the overthrow of relatively stable, if authoritarian, allies in the region, to be replaced by fanatics who are hostile to Israel, and the West.  However, one could argue that oppression, rather than reform, carries a greater chance of facilitating such a scenario.  The Iranian Revolution, as well as recent developments in Tunisia, and Egypt, are examples.  Given the increasing levels of dissent in neighbouring countries, there is a chance we are seeing a domino effect. 12

A sincere and protracted attempt to address the Palestinian question and other sore points in the Middle East is an admittedly more complicated consideration. While it may be pessimistic to suggest it is impossible for the U.S. to improve its image in the Middle East, it may not be incorrect. However, despite the fact that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is unlikely to be solved in the foreseeable future, the fact remains that it is the usual stumbling block in any attempt to bridge the Western world and the Middle East.  Perhaps Washington would have to put intense pressure on Israel to make sincere efforts towards peace, threatening to remove military or diplomatic support if the Israelis remained obstinate.

While a good argument could be made that the Arab world is just as responsible for the situation as the Israelis and the West, the fact remains that as long as the conflict persists, the Arab world will use it as an excuse to be inflexible. Perhaps other sore points, such as a potential, although admittedly very unlikely, peace treaty between Israel and Syria, or Israel and Lebanon, would be easier starting points.  Lebanon (with the obvious exception of Hezbollah), being a de-facto Syrian protectorate, would likely come to terms with Israel if Syria did, but it is debatable whether or not the return of the Golan Heights to Syria would be enough to convince the Syrians to make peace.13

Summation

An air strike against Iran’s nuclear facilities, be it American or Israeli, would likely produce more negative consequences than positive. At best it would only delay the program for a few years, and it would strengthen the regime in Tehran, increase terrorism, and vilify the Americans and the Israelis. Attempts at eliminating the Iranian Nuclear Program via cyber warfare, as stated above, would also produce similar results.

Sanctions against the regime in Tehran would also produce no appreciable effect. Given that the Russians and Chinese lack sufficient motivation to join in effective sanctions, and that Iran could probably still get aid from rogue elements, means that any effects produced by the sanctions would be limited at best.

Any attempt at bilateral diplomacy between America and Iran is likewise a risky prospect. Much like the situation between the Americans and the Soviets during the Cold War, America and Iran have been able to come to temporary agreements when it suits them. However, their drastically opposing ideologies, not to mention irreconcilable goal of both wanting to control the future of the Middle East, means that in the long term there is no question of compromise.

Unfortunately the only viable option open to America is to contain Iran as best it can, and promote democracy and development in the region. This has to be done keeping the interests of the ruling Arab elite, as well as the hostility of the Arab world towards Israel, and the West, in mind. Significantly, this would have to involve showing an even-handed approach to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

Perhaps it would take a considerable amount of time, several years atleast, to convince the Arab world the U.S. was sincere in its attempt to promote democracy and prosperity, but if it succeeded, the Iranian theocracy would find it virtually impossible to succeed in its goal of being the powerbroker in the region. More likely, its own populace, who are increasingly disenchanted with the ruling elite, would see the futility of supporting the regime and ultimately overthrow the Mullahs.

The people of the Middle East, much like those of the former Soviet Union, are not in general fanatical or unreasonable people. If given the chance to determine their own fate, they would, like most other people, prefer peace, prosperity and stability, to chaos, poverty, and conflict.

Endnotes

1) Article from “The Atlantic” [Online]: http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2010/08/the-futility-of-an-israeli-air-strike-against-irans-nuclear-sites/61669/ [2010, August]
2) Article from “Chasing Evil” [Online]:
http://www.chasingevil.org/2010/09/israeli-attack-on-syrian-reactor.html [2010, September]
3) Article from “Informed Consent” [Online]
http://www.juancole.com/2010/06/turkey-forbids-israeli-military-overflights.html [2010, June]
4) Article from “The Herald of Randolph” [Online] http://www.ourherald.com/news/2007-02-01/Columns/col01.html [2007, February]
5) Article from “Global Post” [Online]  http://www.globalpost.com/dispatch/asia/101016/stuxnet-cyber-warfare-computer-science [2010, October]
6) Article from “The New York Times” [Online] http://www.nytimes.com/2002/06/16/books/days-that-shook-the-world.html?ref=michael_b_oren [2002, June]
7) Article from “Source Watch” [Online]  http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=China-Iran-Russia_axis [2010, October]
8) Article from “Iran-Va-Jahan” [Online]
http://www.iranvajahan.net/cgi-bin/news.pl?l=en&y=2010&m=03&d=09&a=4 [2010, March]
9) Article from “Historical and Investigative Research” [Online]  http://www.hirhome.com/iraniraq/iran-coup.htm [2006, January]
10) Ibid 8.
11) Article from “Registan.net” [Online] http://www.registan.net/index.php/2010/03/17/handling-marjehs-poppy-other-concerns/
12) Article from “Mubashirmalik” [Online]
http://mubashirmalik.wordpress.com/2011/02/02/the-domino-effect-middle-east-debacle/
13) Ibid 8.